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The world leaders are joined by an unexpected participant who turns the game in his favor.
It is commonly believed that cyberspace is the sphere of influence of technological superpowers such as the United States, China, and Russia, which possess powerful and advanced capabilities. Slightly lower in the rankings are countries with high technological potential, such as the UK, Australia, South Korea and Iran.
Against the background of these countries, African states are traditionally considered less significant in the geopolitics of the digital space. External commentary often focuses on their technical vulnerability and dependence on technologies from East and West. In addition, within the countries of the continent themselves, the issue of "digital colonialism" is often raised due to the use of technologies that are developed and controlled by other states.
However, such estimates may not be accurate. A recent study proves that even states that do not have significant offensive cyber capabilities can influence superpowers in the digital world.
The Influence of African Elites in Cyberspace
IT technologies are relatively cheap and spread quickly, which allows less developed countries to effectively counter strong players. The tools available range from basic ransomware kits for $375 to renting customized kits for tens and hundreds of thousands of dollars per year. Some of the most sophisticated solutions, such as Pegasus spyware, were rented out for $7-8 million a year.
The relatively low cost allows African countries and elites to adopt a strategy of "diversification of partners" by choosing various external forces to achieve their political goals. In some cases, African countries have directly acquired the necessary technologies, while in others they have found partners who use these tools for Africa's benefit.
Examples include China's attempts to spy on the African Union's headquarters in Ethiopia and information campaigns during Libya's Second Civil War. Despite China's significant influence in cyberspace, African leaders have managed to avoid or even exploit the capabilities of other countries to their advantage.
China, Ethiopia and the African Union
For two decades, China has been the main supplier of digital infrastructure and surveillance technology to Ethiopia. China has invested in the construction of the African Union (AU) headquarters in Addis Ababa, which has led to large-scale cyber espionage. Through networks and installed cameras, China has been collecting intelligence at the base since 2012.
However, cooperation with China is conditioned by the availability of technology and disagreements with Western demands for infrastructure privatization, which do not meet Ethiopia's interests. Moreover, relations with China have not prevented Ethiopia from attracting other partners, including Israel, the United States, and Italy, to develop capabilities in cyberspace and diversify technological supplies.
With this diversity of partners and capabilities, Ethiopia has been able to counter some of China's espionage. For example, AS network specialists detected the intrusion and, working with experts from Ethiopia and Algeria, created an independent, secure IT infrastructure. In addition, specialists from the Japanese CERT helped to identify the theft of data from CCTV cameras by the Chinese hacker group Bronze President.
Effectiveness of the use of cyber capabilities
China's actions undoubtedly affect Africa's cyberspace. However, cybersecurity transactions are rarely one-sided, and weak states in the cyber sphere often find ways to minimize the influence of superpowers and develop their own interests.
The bottom line is that cyberspace is a realm where the benefits accrue to those who make the most effective use of the available capabilities, not those who invent them. And in this game, African countries can effectively protect their interests, despite technological inequality.
Source
It is commonly believed that cyberspace is the sphere of influence of technological superpowers such as the United States, China, and Russia, which possess powerful and advanced capabilities. Slightly lower in the rankings are countries with high technological potential, such as the UK, Australia, South Korea and Iran.
Against the background of these countries, African states are traditionally considered less significant in the geopolitics of the digital space. External commentary often focuses on their technical vulnerability and dependence on technologies from East and West. In addition, within the countries of the continent themselves, the issue of "digital colonialism" is often raised due to the use of technologies that are developed and controlled by other states.
However, such estimates may not be accurate. A recent study proves that even states that do not have significant offensive cyber capabilities can influence superpowers in the digital world.
The Influence of African Elites in Cyberspace
IT technologies are relatively cheap and spread quickly, which allows less developed countries to effectively counter strong players. The tools available range from basic ransomware kits for $375 to renting customized kits for tens and hundreds of thousands of dollars per year. Some of the most sophisticated solutions, such as Pegasus spyware, were rented out for $7-8 million a year.
The relatively low cost allows African countries and elites to adopt a strategy of "diversification of partners" by choosing various external forces to achieve their political goals. In some cases, African countries have directly acquired the necessary technologies, while in others they have found partners who use these tools for Africa's benefit.
Examples include China's attempts to spy on the African Union's headquarters in Ethiopia and information campaigns during Libya's Second Civil War. Despite China's significant influence in cyberspace, African leaders have managed to avoid or even exploit the capabilities of other countries to their advantage.
China, Ethiopia and the African Union
For two decades, China has been the main supplier of digital infrastructure and surveillance technology to Ethiopia. China has invested in the construction of the African Union (AU) headquarters in Addis Ababa, which has led to large-scale cyber espionage. Through networks and installed cameras, China has been collecting intelligence at the base since 2012.
However, cooperation with China is conditioned by the availability of technology and disagreements with Western demands for infrastructure privatization, which do not meet Ethiopia's interests. Moreover, relations with China have not prevented Ethiopia from attracting other partners, including Israel, the United States, and Italy, to develop capabilities in cyberspace and diversify technological supplies.
With this diversity of partners and capabilities, Ethiopia has been able to counter some of China's espionage. For example, AS network specialists detected the intrusion and, working with experts from Ethiopia and Algeria, created an independent, secure IT infrastructure. In addition, specialists from the Japanese CERT helped to identify the theft of data from CCTV cameras by the Chinese hacker group Bronze President.
Effectiveness of the use of cyber capabilities
China's actions undoubtedly affect Africa's cyberspace. However, cybersecurity transactions are rarely one-sided, and weak states in the cyber sphere often find ways to minimize the influence of superpowers and develop their own interests.
The bottom line is that cyberspace is a realm where the benefits accrue to those who make the most effective use of the available capabilities, not those who invent them. And in this game, African countries can effectively protect their interests, despite technological inequality.
Source
